Up From The Mission Selected Writings

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Other mentions of " " in AustLit:. I look forward to learning more about this amazing woman, her spirituality and will continue to pray for her cause and your apostolate. God bless you on all your work! I thoroughly enjoyed reading Volume One and have marked it up accordingly.

Please put as many copies as you can fit in a medium size USPS box and send them to me. Her prayers and the way she talked to Jesus blew me away. She certainly showed the family her very humble side. I plan to order more books. I was totally absorbed. It is incredible that a mystic of this magnitude lived her last years right here in California so close to the Bay Area. The most meaningful part of the book for me is the communication Cora Evans had with Our Creator, her obedience to her confessor and her humility.

Thank you so much for the book.

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These writings are truly a gift from God. It was clear to me that Howard had been truly pained by his failures in the matter of reconciliation, both at the symbolic level — he was famously rejected by the Indigenous audience who turned their backs on him at the Reconciliation Convention in Melbourne in — and in terms of practical achievement.

He had once nominated water and salinity issues and Aboriginal disadvantage as the two most important areas where his government — and previous governments — had failed to make any progress.

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But no government will deliver salvation for us — we must take our rightful place in our own country through a more complicated and arduous process than the forces of good finally winning government and passing legislation that restores to us our lost heritage. Many Indigenous Australians cannot follow me here. But I believed Howard would be able to rise to the challenge of providing leadership on reconciliation and thereby transcend the traditional position of the conservatives.

In the lead-up to the election, in a letter to the prime minister, I put forward a three-part program by which Howard might change Australia fundamentally but prudently, so that the country moved:. From symbolic and practical reconciliation to the recognition of Indigenous people within a reconciled, indivisible nation;. They would not solve the social and economic problems and would not achieve reconciliation; his government was too unwilling to recognise the importance of culture and identity to Indigenous Australians.

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Successful reconciliation, I pointed out, is a prerequisite for the development of a confident Australian identity. Australia is built on two foundation stones: one is the Indigenous heritage; the other, laid on top of that, is the British heritage. The great Australian migration success story was built on these twin foundations. In reality there are three models: in the middle is the affirmational republic.

In such a republic, it will be declared unequivocally that the head of state is an Australian, but there will be no need to repudiate continuing ties with the Crown or with Britain. The affirmational republic, I suggested, is the optimal constitutional framework for a reconciled Australia. Poverty, we believe, is a four-sided problem, involving four basic needs: an income, education for children, health care and shelter — the family home.

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The problem is that the welfare state has come to treat poverty as an endlessly faceted problem. A vast panoply of secondary programs has been developed. Australia needs to put the focus back on what is primary, namely the bread-and-butter issues of family functioning: income, health, education and housing. If disadvantaged families live in safe and ordered neighbourhoods and have their four primary needs secured, they will have the old working-class uplift formula back together again.

Our welfare reforms in Cape York are a pioneering attempt to show how government and society can support individuals and families by providing them with opportunity, rather than delivering them passive welfare. By and large, however, my hope that Howard would be able to move Australia towards a resolution of the tensions caused by Indigenous dispossession was unfulfilled. I believe an opportunity was lost for dialogue between Indigenous leaders and Howard during the second half of his tenure. A window in history opened in the lead-up to and in the wake of the election, which a more coherent and hard-headed Indigenous leadership would have seized.

Upon reading this collection of my texts, the reader will see that my advice to Howard is a distillation of the questions that have preoccupied me all my adult life. However, my doubts that the radical consensus on Indigenous issues was correct are obvious already in my first published text, Peoples of the North: Anthropology and Tradition which was then publicly attributed to my co-author and mentor from my hometown, the late Mervyn Gibson , from The fourth section, The Quest for a Radical Centre , roughly coincides with the last five or so years, when we have started to implement policies designed to move our communities away from the passive welfare economy in Cape York Peninsula.

Most of my writings have been about policy detail in the areas of substance abuse, welfare reform, employment, housing, education and so on. Almost all of those texts have been left out of this book, to avoid burdening the reader with detail. The tilt towards commentary and theory in this selection thus partly obscures the fact that my main occupation in the last decade has been working with my colleagues in Cape York to get legislation through, get funding for programs and implement reforms.

I believe this is what sets my home region apart from other Indigenous regions in Australia: we precipitate state and Commonwealth legislation that otherwise would not exist. We have not just been commentators, we have not just been reacting to government policy. We have driven reform arguments and sought to frame legislation. The thing about Cape York that most alienates many Indigenous leaders is our determination to engage at the highest level of political responsibility.

His pointed stab at the heart of our weakness was as follows:. I am not sure whether Indigenous leaders can ever psychologically make the change to decide to come into a process, be part of it and take the burden of responsibility which goes with it. That is, whether they believe they can ever summon the authority of their own community to negotiate … on their behalf. My assessment is that many Indigenous leaders continue to choose the strategy — if it can be called such — of perpetual commentary and opposition, rather than trying to get governments to do what they want them to do.

The ability to withhold consent can indeed be a source of power, but it has become virtually the only item in what is a thin repertoire. We will be free when we take back our right to take responsibility. It was, for me, testament to the fact that the notion of Aboriginal inhumanity was indeed embedded in popular belief, particularly in regional Australia.

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That legacy lives on. There is still in the Australian community a lingering suspicion about that inhumanity. But we have made a great deal of progress, and that progress started to steamroll after It took ten years to convince the Australian community to vote overwhelmingly to include Indigenous people in the Commonwealth. And we made progress, the like of which our founding fathers, William Cooper, Jack Ferguson and Jack Patten, perhaps had the imagination to believe was possible, but which they could never have believed would happen easily and would happen in time.

Let me tell you about my personal views on citizenship. Like many Indigenous people in this country, I am equivocal about my Australian citizenship. My great-grandfather Arrimi was a Kuku Warra man, whose people were almost entirely annihilated in the wake of the Cooktown to Palmer River goldrush from the s. This was one of the bloodiest episodes in the colonial occupation of this continent. He eventually died, a fringe-dweller on the outskirts of Cooktown, during the Second World War. My father and grandfather told me that he spent all of his adult life evading the police. They wanted to take him to Palm Island or to Yarrabah or to Cherbourg.

They wanted him to be part of the history of stolen generations, and he utterly and absolutely refused to submit to this European law. So his identity was entirely the traditional identity of the Kuku Warra people prior to the British acquisition of sovereignty over this country. For him, whatever had legally and symbolically happened in in Sydney Cove had no relevance to his identity and to his person. My grandfather Ngulunhthul, also known as Charlie, was taken away as a ten-year-old to the Cape Bedford Lutheran Mission at the turn of the century.

That layer was the identity of a mission Aborigine in a new community of children who were the victims of a diaspora spreading from Winton in central Queensland to the tip of the Cape York Peninsula. The mission community was a gathering of young strangers that developed an identity of its own. So my grandfather took on a new mission identity and a new Aboriginal identity; he became a Guugu Yimithirr-speaking Aborigine and adopted the language and culture of the people onto whose land he was relocated.

And he became a stockman. My father was also a stockman, and he also grew up in the Hope Valley Lutheran Mission and inherited the identity of my grandfather. I have to say that in all of the years I spent with them, I could never really say how they felt about being Queenslanders and about being Australians. I never heard from them any rejection of those layers of identity, but I expect that it did not mean all that much to them. Indeed, if they felt connected to anything outside the mission, it was to the church community to which they belonged: the wider Lutheran church in which they shared faith.

For my part, I spent only two years as a constitutional alien before the referendum was passed. And I inherited the identity of my father and grandfather. I also inherited their equivocal feelings about our place beyond the mission. I went down, harbouring this equivocation, to a Lutheran secondary school in Brisbane. I suppose the thing that most tipped me towards being enthusiastic about being a Queenslander, and then about being an Australian, was seeing successful Aboriginal sportsmen.

And nobody filled me with pride so much as the Ella brothers. It started to make sense to me why being an Australian might not be such a bad thing. Even though all there was to eat on most days was green tripe, fresh out of the bowels of bullocks my father slaughtered for the local butcher shop, or a thin soup of fat, onions and bones with small strips of meat and gristle, which we would gnaw desperately out of the crevices, I thought I had the best life as a kid. The contempt and paternalism of the whites and the deference and humiliation of adult people who happened to be black — at the mission to some degree, but more so in the world outside — disturbed my young soul.

But I took it as the natural order of the world outside my home. The world outside my home was a daunting place, promising episodes of shame and humiliation.

Up From The Mission Selected Writings Up From The Mission Selected Writings
Up From The Mission Selected Writings Up From The Mission Selected Writings
Up From The Mission Selected Writings Up From The Mission Selected Writings
Up From The Mission Selected Writings Up From The Mission Selected Writings
Up From The Mission Selected Writings Up From The Mission Selected Writings
Up From The Mission Selected Writings Up From The Mission Selected Writings
Up From The Mission Selected Writings Up From The Mission Selected Writings
Up From The Mission Selected Writings Up From The Mission Selected Writings
Up From The Mission Selected Writings Up From The Mission Selected Writings

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